Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan speaks at Press Conference 2/2007 , Myanmar Government really desires democracy

Nay Pyi Taw, 3 Dec - The following is the clarifications of Chairman of the Information Committee of the State Peace and Development Council Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan made at the press conference 2/2007 of the Information Committee of the State Peace and Development Council, regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar.

Excellencies, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen,

Mingalabar! I wish all auspiciousness to you all. I wish both physical and mental wellbeing of you all present at this press conference 2/2007.

After taking over State responsibilities, the Government has been exerting energetic efforts for democratization speedily as aspired by the people. It is known to all. To bring about democracy, a Constitution which will properly safeguard democracy practices is essentially required. You might have known that as the 1974 Constitution was based on the single-party socialist system, it is not appropriate for practising democracy. Thus, the Government has laid down the seven-step Road Map and has been implementing it for proper democratization. Now, as the third step, a new Constitution is being drafted.

The National Convention, the first step of the Road Map was successfully completed on 3rd September 2007. And fundamental principles and detailed basic principles have been unanimously adopted for formulating the Constitution. Actually, the completion of the National Convention was not gained easily. Amidst internal and external obstacles and hindrances, the State and the entire people could achieve success through collective efforts.

It is not necessary to further emphasize that democracy is aspired by the entire people today. Not only the entire Myanmar people, the global nations as well as regional and neighboring countries are desirous of democracy. Similarly, the anti-government groups inside and outside the country consistently engaged in destructive acts are advocating that they too want democracy. The Myanmar Government really desires democracy too. Hence, all are to join hands to make collective efforts for democratization. Foreign nations are also to render helpful hands to our efforts for democratization.

However, the situation is not like that in reality. When the continued efforts are to be made with momentum after the completion of the National Convention, local and foreign anti-government groups are raising the momentum of committing destructive acts. Some countries including a western power are also found to be encouraging them increasingly by providing cash and kind assistance, advice and schemes. With the aims to jeopardize the National Convention and to hinder and destroy the implementation of the seven-step Road Map, they made collective attacks. By accelerating the momentum of anti-government activities, they mobilize efforts for regime change.

There are reasons behind it. The western power wants to install a puppet government in power while a political party and anti-government groups within the country haranguing for democracy without exerting any effort for democratization are trying hard to grab power. Nowadays, with the successful completion of the National Convention, there prevail good conditions for continued implementation of the seven-step Road Map. Inasmuch as there emerge such good conditions, those anti-government groups have less chance to seize power. So, they accelerate the momentum of their attacks and antagonizing efforts.

To ensure impact on their anti-government activities, the groups inside and outside the country employed three strategies since circa 2006. The first strategy is to jeopardize the National Convention, to prevent the drafting of the Constitution and to dissuade the people from approving the draft Constitution.

The second strategy is to create disturbances and unrests like those occurred in 1988. The third strategy is to launch sabotage acts including blasting of bombs in the country. The recent incidents in last August and September were the results of timely conspiracies of a western power and anti-government groups inside and outside the country as well as at the border.

With a view to assisting these three strategies, some nations including a western power misused UN Security Council, ILO and Human Rights Council to take one-sided action against Myanmar. The anti-government groups inside and outside the country were given training, cash and kind assistance as well as directives and harmonization as regards the plots. A political party and anti-government groups within the country instigated in various ways to create instability and unrests so as to ensure regime change for them to grab power.

Before the August-September protests, the anti-government groups sought ways and means for laying the groundwork, movement and instigation based on the three strategies. The external elements also gave them directives and schemes to do so. The anti-government groups infiltrated the masses of students, workers, service personnel and Tatmadawmen, implanted hard cores and instigated. Similarly, they infiltrated the mass of monks, implanted hard cores and made instigation.

While the destructive elements were seeking a chance to materialize their plot, the Government had to unavoidably raise the fuel prices. By taking advantage of the rise of fuel prices, the anti-government groups made all kinds of instigation to create unrests by using planted cells. In reality, they had already had the pre-arranged plot to create unrest. They timely staged the August-September protests by shouting loud the fuel price hikes as immediate cause.

In line with the tactics of BCP (Burma Communist Party) as well as Gene Sharp, the destructive elements implanted hardcore cells and decoys in the masses of students, workers, service personnel, Tatmadawmen to instigate as if the uprisings were taken part by the public. But they did not get success. The students, workers, service personnel and Tatma-dawmen realized their simister scheme and understood the actual conditions of the country very well. Thus they could not be enticed or persuaded.

However, some monks who were not in touch with worldly affairs as they were involved with religious affairs did not understand the true facts. So, these monks believed the fabrications of anti-government groups and were wavered by the instigation which led to the monks' protests.

Aftermath of the protests, it is found with sound evidence that ex-convicted bogus monks joined anti-government groups inside and outside the country and launched the pre-empted scheme. Members of All-Myanmar Young Monks Union and All-Myanmar United Sangha Forces which were primarily leading bodies of the monks' protests are not reverends but young wardens and lecturers who had violated laws, committed crimes and had been organized and trained as hard-cores. As these monk wardens and lecturers wielded much influence on their pupils, the young monks were organized to take part in the protests.

In addition, it is found that the anti-government groups also enticed music and film artistes as well as writers and literati. Only few artistes and men of letters who are lacking patriotism followed them with the hope that the protests would gain success. Almost all the remaining film and music artistes as well as literati firmly stood by the nation and the people with ardent patriotism. Nevertheless, it is known to all that the Government with broad-mindedness pardoned those artistes and literati.

The entire incident revealed that it was not the protest of public and the majority of monks based on dissatis faction with the Government but the plotted scheme of a western power and anti-government groups inside and outside the country and expatriates by misusing pessimist ex-convict bogus monks. Hence, I would like to reaffirm that neither public nor majority of monks participated in those protests.

Actually, the August/September protests were trivial for the whole country and in comparison to other events in other countries. However, the international media neglected the true facts made exaggerations as aspired by the anti-government groups. In reality, the strikes of few thousand of protesters were exaggerated to the extent that the entire country took part in the protests. Due to one-sided broadcasts of some news media, the image of our country was harmed very much. Based on that incident, a western power and internal and external anti-government groups put various pressures on Myanmar by misusing some international organizations including UN Security Council.

Such unrests were disliked by the majority of monks who avoid the Buddha Patikutta works loathed by Lord Buddha and who keep religious affairs in the fore. The majority of monks were much displeased for those incidents which were not concerned with monks and which tarnished the Sasana.

Similarly, the majority of the people absolutely do not want the life in which their daily lives are destroyed and all are to live in anxiety as the education, health and social conditions are not in normalcy. Due to unrests, bus lines were stopped, stores and shops closed and no one dared to go outside. Transportation and businesses broke down and the basic people such as vendors, trishaw-men, taxi drivers, labourers, etc had to suffer troubles by having no income. Therefore, the entire people denounced the unrests and violence all over the country.

Moreover, citing those unrests, USA, EU and Australia imposed added sanctions. Due to these sanctions, the State as well as the public from the basic people to big business firms suffered. It is known to all. Therefore, I would like to ascertain that those unrests and violence are absolutely disliked by the majority of the people as well as the majority of the monks.

Those unrests and violence not participated by the majority of the people and the majority of monks have been put under control all over the country by authorities for ensuring the prevalence of peace and stability as well as the rule of law with the assistance of the monks and laity. With a view to carrying on the democratization process as aspired by the people as well as the international community, the 54-member Constitution Drafting Commission has been formed for implementing the third step of the Road Map. Today, 3rd December 2007, the Commission commences its process of drafting the constitution.

As known to all, the Constitution Drafting Commission comprises sufficient number of legal experts and the law graduates of national races from various States and Divisions. By studying the 1947 Constitution and the 1974 Constitution and thoroughly reviewing international constitutions, the constitution will be drafted with the adopted fundamental principles and detailed basic principles of the National Convention. The fundamental principles and detailed basic principles adopted by the National Convention are the best to suit the prevailing conditions of the country. With these principles to formulate and comprising sufficient legal experts and law graduate national peoples, no assistance or advice from other persons is required.

Moreover, I would like to say that the suggestions to review adopted principles extensively by forming necessary bodies, and to coordinate the principles with the aspirations of anti-government groups which did not participate in the National Convention are no longer appropriate to the present situation. It is known to all that the principles were adopted through thorough discussions by eight delegate groups comprising more than 1000 delegates of the National Convention. In the discussions, the respective groups submitted their views, ideas and demands. Thorough discussions were made to get a consensus from those views, ideas and demands. Based on Union Spirit and patriotism and in the light of national interest, discussions and co-ordinations were made to obtain the most suitable solution for the nation and the people.

It is not reasonable or fair to review and amend those principles adopted by the delegates representing the entire people. Otherwise, the eight delegate groups of the National Convention would again make demands they like. So, it will be never ending and the process will get further complicated. We were to start from the first step. Actually, the adopted principles include rights of the national races as well as rights of the citizens. Therefore, the majority of the people support the principles. Thus it is in no way to review the adopted principles. We have now commenced the drafting of a constitution as the third step of the Road Map.

Further details and findings on the August-September protests will be clarified by the Director-General of the Myanmar Police Force. Thank you.

Govt grants amnesty for 8,552 prisoners including 33 foreigners to mark commencement of functions of Commission for Drafting the State Constitution, completion of National Convention

Nay Pyi Taw, 3 Dec - The State Peace and Development Council is making systematic arrangements for building a peaceful modern developed discipline-flourishing democratic nation, ensuring community peace and tranquillity, prevalenace of law and order upholding Our Three Main National Causes and successful implementation of the seven-step Road Map.

The government granted amnesty for 8,585 prisoners between 16 November and 3 December to mark the successful holding of the National Convention in September 2007, the commencement of the functions of the Commission for Drafting the State Constitution, the third stage of the seven-step Road Map, forging the national solidarity in the country and cooperation with international communities including the UN. Those released on 30 November included 33 Thai prisoners.

Although opposition groups try to incite uprisings by infiltrating into different social strata, they are not able to get people on their side MPF DG explains background and situation of 2007 August & September demonstrations at the Press Conference (2/2007)

Nay Pyi Taw, 3 Dec - The following is the clarification of Director-General of Myanmar Police Force Brig-Gen Khin Yi made at the Press Conference 2/2007 of the Information Committee of the State Peace and Development Council, regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar.

I am going to brief on the background and investigations related to the protests and demonstrations in some states and divisions of the country in September 2007.

The protests and demonstrations were initiated by a group calling themselves the 88 Generation Students, members of NLD and a few supporting youths under the pretext of the increase of fuel prices with the guise of peaceful marching protests centered on some bogus monks who wished to disrupt law and order, destabilize peace and tranquility of the State. However, investigations revealed the genuine intentions behind the demonstrations and protests were planned and conspired systematically months ahead to topple the government. It was also revealed that the main organization behind the scenes directing from abroad was the Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB).

I wish to take this opportunity to elaborate a bit on the Forum for Democracy in Burma. FDB was formed on 26 February 2004 at Maesot, Thailand, when anti-government activists based in a neighboring country got together to form an anti-government coalition. The FDB consists of 6 groups namely; ABSDF (All Burma Students' Democratic Front), ABFSU-FAC (All Burma Federation Students' Union Foreign Affairs Committee), BWU (Burma Women Union), DPNS (Democratic Party for New Society), NDD ( Network for Democracy and Development ) and PDF ( Peoples' Defence Forces), AAPP (Assistance Association for Political Prisoners), ABYMU (All Burma Youth Monks Union). The FDB has a 25-member Policy Committee and the members who are strongly active in the affairs of Myanmar are the Secretary General Dr Naing Aung, Deputy Secretary General Kyaw Htet, U Bo Kyi from AAPP, Yaza a Nyein Chan and Sai Myint Thu, FDB.

FDB held the first conference from 2 to 7 July 2006 and laid down a strategy to drum up a domestic People's Uprising in the country. Simultaneously, NCGUB formed a Committee with representatives from ABSDF, ABSDF-FAC, DPNS, BWU, YCOWA-NDD to reinforce the activities of FDB. Furthermore, U Khemarsara of ABYMU, Thaung Dan Cho and Nay Tin Myint of NLD-LA in collusion with the Union of Youth Monks, Monks' Front, the 88 Generation Students and members of NLD; All Burma Students' Democracy Movement and All Burma Students Union, exiled forces of democracy supported with media broadcasting agitations from BBC, VOA and RFA; in addition to the publication and distribution of People's Uprising and Underground Manuals by Moe Thee Zun and Ni Thit of ABSDF joined forces with the intention to organize a people's uprising to disrupt the administration of State government.

FDB is led by Kyaw Htet, who is a native of Yontawyawr, Mahlaing township, Mandalay Division and went underground after 1988. When PDF commander ex-Colonel Sein Mya died, Kyaw Htet took over control in 1996 and now leads a striking force of 70. PDF collects and provides domestic information to the United States, Australia and Norway getting financial support from these countries. On the military front it is collaborating with KNU while working together with NLD-LA, FDB, DAB, NCUB, etc on the political front.

The FDB, to realize public uprising against the government system-atically organized workers, farmers, monks, ethnic groups, students, ?88? Generation Students and NLD members and conducted trainings on Political Defiance, Communities Organizer, Human Rights, Leadership and Underground Movements at their office in Maesod, Thailand. The 3 to 5-day trainings emphasized on ways and methods of confronting the State government by infiltrating into the military, police force, USDA, Fire Brigade, etc and organized disenchantment within them how to arouse agitation among students resulting in protests, planting informers and extracting information from informers. The daily subsistence allowance, travel costs of the trainees were borne by FDB, in addition to printing and distribution of anti-government documents, pamphlets and renting mobile phones, computers and email installations to communicate with them. Relying basically on the graduates of these trainings and support from the international and domestic media, they tried to create unrest in the country.

After explaining that, I wish to continue with on how they practically infiltrate and organize the people of different strata. First of all, I will explain how they organize the general public. Three objectives were laid down during the 3rd Meeting of the Policy Committee of the FDB on 13 July 2004. One of the objectives was Establishing bases in the public which can activate and develop demon-strations?. To implement this objective, the FDB in November in 2004, distributed and circulated propaganda pamphlets and papers for the general public and intellectuals, proposals of artists and democracy alliance groups. However, the security forces managed to reveal and stop this initiative and it was aborted. Kyaw Htet of FDB recruited a second year Psychology Major student Pyi Phyoe Hlaing A Thay Lay of Pathein Distant Education University to organize the student body. Furthermore, he also recruited 17 individuals from the private enterprises including Nay Lin Aung, a salesman of Pantanaw, Aung Bo Bo, a goldsmith, Khin Lwin, a livestock breeder, Aung Myo Oo, a casual labourer, Thiha Thetzin (battery industry), Kyaw Zaybo, a hotel cook from Bogalay, December, a photographer from Wakema and Myo Lwin, a worker at a sawmill from North Dagon, to undertake trainings at Mae Sod on CO and PD. All of these initiatives and efforts were not successful and effective due to early revelation of the plans by security forces and the lack of interest of the majority of the public who wished to stay under peace and stability.

Let me continue with how the FDB infiltrated the government civil servants. Security forces managed to expose the true identity and intentions of an agent Wai Linn (44), son of U Kyaw Yin, arrested on 28 June 2005 at Kyun Thayar Ward of Bago who was recruited by Network for Democracy and Development (NDD) in-charge Thein Win. NDD is a member of FDB. Subsequently, Wai Linn, Ko Ye @ Than Oo, Thein Lwin Oo, Captain Myint Lwin (retired), and Win Myint were arrested while Ko Soe @ Kyaw Soe is still on the run. Furthermore, government employees Ms Aye Thi Khaing, Ma Yin Kyi, Ye Myint, Aung Myint Thein, Ma Aye Chan who were recruited and underwent trainings at Maesok and planted as organizers were arrested by security forces. Interviews of the arrested disclosed that they were recruited by Thein Win (NDD) and provided trainings on CO, PD, LS and UG and then used as couriers to dispatch assistance allowances, satellite phones, obtain information on the issues of salaries, owners and labour disputes, welfare problems from government employees and manual labourers, farmers to feed the international media and to instill anti government sentiments in their minds. This was also thwarted by security forces with the early disclosure and arrest of these infiltrators. Also it did not affect the government employees due to the appreciation of the positive efforts and achievements of government.

I would like to continue with FDB infiltration into the student campuses disclosed from interviews of arrested persons. Pyi Phyo Aung, a second year student majoring Psychology at Pathein Distance Education University, went to Mae sok, Thailand, with his friends from Bogale to visit his cousin Ma Thin Myat Thu @ Thin Thin in July 2005. There he met his cousin's husband Pyi Pe Kyaw, who was staying illegally in Thailand after his release from prison in 2003 serving a jail term after the 1988 demonstrations. Pyi Pe Kyaw is a member of Bogalay Township NLD. Through his brother-in-law Pyi Phyo Aung met Kyaw Htet of FDB and attended the CO training course. He gave statements that he recruited 27 sympathizers and hardcore persons to attend FDB trainings and received financial assistance from Kyaw Htet. With that financial assistance Pyi Phyo Aung was active around Ma-u-bin University using the name of the Pathein University Students Union (temporary) and tried to form Students' Union, claiming students' rights and distributed agitation letters. Using the name of 88’ Generation Students, he wrote and distributed anti-government papers demanding reduction of fuel prices and soliciting the participation of the public. He was arrested by security forces while he was waiting to receive funding of 1.2 million kyat from Kyaw Htet to undertake these activities in Ma-u-bin, Pathein and Wakema universities. His statement disclosed he received a total sum of 12.85 million kyat during the period of 2004 October to 2007 for this job. From the 27 persons planted among the students, 17 have been detained for questioning at this stage.

Similarly, I would like to explain how FDB infiltrated the labor workforce during this period. Our investigations initiated with Thurein Aung who registered as a NLD party member in 2000 and was known to be an active one. However, in 2005 due to internal problems he was expelled from NLD. In 2004 October he went to MaeSot, Thailand, with Htun Linn Naing, a south Dagon NLD member (now a member of NLD-LA, where he was introduced to NLD-LA members Thaung Dan Cho and others and then through them he came in contact with Kyaw Htet of FDB. He was then tasked by Kyaw Htet to infiltrate the labour workforce. With funding from FDB, he recruited persons to attend trainings in Maesok, Thailand and circulated anti-government agitation documents and labour movement reports, distributed documents similar to U Down (Peacock) in the colleges and universities, agitate, create and exacerbating problems and issues of labour wages, welfare of workers and illegally forming Labour Safe and Health Agency? (LSHA) in the Industrial Zones. A total of K 9.57 million were received from FDB during the period from 2005 to 2007. 12 persons planted in the labour workforce were found out and 6 have been detained for questioning. Thurein Aung, ex-Mayangon Township NLD member and 6 cohorts have been indicted for breaching the law. Due to these measures by the security forces and the intervention of issues by the concerned authorities, they did not succeed in inducing or motivating the workers to participate in the protests in September.

Furthermore, Thurein Aung was also tasked by Kyaw Htet to infiltrate and organize the farmers. Thurein Aung recruited Htun Htun Oo of Htantabin NLD and a Nyaungdon NLD sympathizer, Maung Maung Lay and sent them to attend training courses on Political Defiance, Underground Movements and Leadership in Maesok, Thailand in June 2007. Htun Htun Oo and Maung Maung Lay took a farmer from Htou Nayee village, Htang Tabin Township named U Tay to Thurein Aung to provide false and exaggerated information to DVB and RFA. Also in 2006 September, they persuaded a few farmers from Kyaung Gon Township who were discontent with the Physic Nut project, to contact with NLD lawyers U Aung Thein and U Aye Myint for agitation. The FDB invested 6.9 million kyats between February and October of 2007 to stir up protests within the farmers but was in vain because the security forces got timely information and detained the 2 organizers and foiled their schemes. In addition, the farmers are quite content and happy with sufficient incomes from double cropping practices and aware of the good intentions of the government that Kyaw Htet's efforts to sow dissient among them through collusion of internal and external elements failed.

It was also learnt that FDB Kyaw Htet even tried to organize Ethnic Youth Group. This was done through the Ethnic Nationalities Council  ENC based in Chiang Mai, Thailand. The Ethnic Youth Group contacted General Secretary of the Council Dr. Salai Lyan Mon, a former NLD representative of Chin State. This group acted as a member of the Supervisory Committee during the recent September demonstrations and tried to organize the interest and participation of all national races. We have detained and interviewed Tin Htoo Aung, an active member of the group and he disclosed the group sent 9 youths in 3 batches from the Church at the corner of Anawrahta and Seikkantha streets to Maesod, Thailand to receive trainings. We discovered there were 15 ethnic youths recruited by Kyaw Htet but up to now, we have only called 2 for questioning while the rest are still under watch. It was learnt Kyat 10.5 lakhs was supported by FDB during the period of October 2006 to date in 2007.

I wish to continue with the penetration of FDB into the 88 Generation Students. The 88 Generation Students receive funding support from Dr. Naing Aung, Secretary General of FDB. On the other hand, they also receive funding from All Burma Students Union self-exiled in the United States and Open Society Institute (OSI), a subsidiary of Soros Foundation. In a way, the Group survives with many funding sources. In early September 2006, Dr. Naing Aung asked Min Zeyar that he wished to open similar training courses of Maesod in Myanmar and promised to bear all expenses for the training, instructors, lodging and food allowances. Min Zeyar then contacted Ms San San Myint of the American Center of Yangon and with her help on 27 September, opened a 3-day training course on Infiltrating and Organizing the Public. Statements disclosed that the instructors were from Malaysia and 19 members of the Group undertook the course which was run at an expenditure of 2 million kyat supported by Dr. Naing Aung.

Similarly, Mya Aye and Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (a) Ma Kee both members of the New Generation Students of 1988 Group through the contacts and facilitation of ex-convict Nanda (a) Myo Gyi living in Norway, signed a contract with DVB to sell domestic political movements information and photographs. In 2007 May, Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (a) Ma Kee went to Maesod, Thailand and met DVB Director U Khin Maung Win, Dr. Thaung Htun of NCGUB and Nanda (a) Myo Gyi of DVB. Kyaw Kyaw Htwe (a) Ma Kee agreed to stir up opposition political blocs in the general public. From investigations it was revealed that DVB Radio Station sent through illegal channels 6.3 million kyat to Ma Kee to realize the scheme.

In addition to that, Mya Aye and Ma Kee with assistance and contacts from Sai Myint Thu of FDB met Ms Liz from Open Society Institute during the last week of March 2007 at Mr. Guitar Café?. After the meeting, OSI granted 15000 $ US and Mya Aye and Ma Kee have received 4 million kyat as the first installment from the assistance package through illegal channel. Another source of funding came from the Chairperson of Myanmar Women's Union Khin Ohnmar (NDD), wife of Dr. Naing Aung and Nyi Nyi Aung (a) A Nge Kaung, an expatriate living in the United States. Nyi Nyi Aung is a former member of All Burma Students Democracy Movement but later joined the ABSDF after 1988 and migrated to the US. Nyi Nyi Aung came back to Myanmar in March and June 2006. He discussed plans with Min Zeyar, Htay Kywe, Zaw Minn and Lay Lwin to organize units within the 88 Generation Students to elevate the momentum of organizing the general public so as to put the government in a predicament. This scheme was planned to be supported by NCGUB Dr. Sein Win with a budget of 50000 $ US. An estimate budget of 59.8 million kyat was drafted and proposed but was reduced from 50,000 $ to 20,000 $ US and allotted in July 2006. The funds were granted on an ad hoc basis since August 2006 and to October 2006 altogether 8.7 million kyats have been received it was learned from the statements. Statements also revealed FDB has assisted the New Generation Students of 1988 Group within 2007 a total of 12.3 million kyat for the implementation of the project. Security forces have exposed 18 hard cores.

The 88 Generation Students while accepting financial support from FDB, ABSDF and OSI had been actively organizing separately to create and establish a political force among the students, workers, farmers and monks with a core force. For instance, member Zaw Zaw Minn, a private biology tutor started to organize high school and college students. At the same time, Jimmy (a) Kyaw Minn Yu recruited Zaw Zaw Minn's son D Nyein Linn as a core organizer at the Western University where he is also a student. In the same vein, Si Thu Maung of University of Economics and La Pyay Wun (a) La Way of Computer Science University were recruited to organize students in their respective universities. Nyan Lin recruited Wai Lin Aung of Dagon University and the latter started organizing students from Dagon University, Eastern University, Computer Science University, University of Culture and Than Lyin GTC. Htun Myint Aung recruited Honey Oo of Dagon University, Yahu Kyaw Kyaw Maung a post graduate of Faculty of Economics to help out in the Signature Campaign. Also they were finding faults with the flaws of the system at the university campus such as shortage of vehicles in the ferry system, stringent discipline on the campus, defects in the toilets to classrooms, failings in the classroom lectures, etc. which they record in details and then provide information to the foreign media to foster anti-government sentiments among the student body. In addition, under the control and supervision of Htun Myint Naing and Jimmy (a) Kyaw Minn Yu, the All Burma Students' Union was formed on 28 August 2007 with the leading committee members as Yahu Kyaw Kyaw Maung, Sithu Maung, Aung Thanzin Oo, Honey Oo and Thinzar Khaing. The 88 Generation Students were able to organize and implant about 32 hard cores in the Universities of Economics, Western and Eastern, Computer Science, Dagon, Technical, Culture, Hmawbi Technical and Thanlyin GTC. However, the security forces were able to reveal them and in collaboration with the parents, school and local authorities which resulted in the non-participation of students in the September protests and demon-strations.

I would like to continue with the infiltration and organization into the Sangha. Starting 2005, Ma Kee (a) Kyaw Kyaw Htwe started to get friendly with the monks of Hinthada and Yangon Monastery of Kaba Aye Hill. Ma Kee arranged to feed information to the media about what the Head of the Yangon Monastery Sayadaw U Tayzawtharaka told him that he had to lock the gates of the compound, that there were spray-writings on the walls of the classrooms saying University is not a prison?, ?Free from Fear?, ?thieves? and ?destroyers of the Buddhist religion? and that due to tight checking of visitors into the monastery, donors have decreased. Ma Kee also strived to get personally close to the monks. Furthermore, since they spent jail terms together when they were young, the majority of the 88 Generation Students were friendly with the monks from the Maggin Monastery who were the main active players during the protests. Since they were released from the prisons, the majority of the new generation students have reached leadership level in their organization and it was the same with the monks who have reached the Supervisory level since they came out of jail. The initial friendship continued and flourished to other spheres and collaboration in political movements.

Similarly, Ma Kee (a) Kyaw Kyaw Htwe was friendly with a GTI student Myo Thant when they were serving time in Thayawaddy Prison in 1997. He introduced Myo Thant to Zan Kul, a Chin national from Yuzana Garden City and tasked them with 700,000 kyats to agitate the labor workforce on the expulsion of a Chin woman in Hlaing Thayar Industrial Zone. He also recruited and then planted Aung Naing Oo of South Okklapa and Myo Kyaw of west Yankin as core organizers to infiltrate the labor workforce for agitation activities.

The 88 Generation Students took the advantage of farmers when U Win Naing of South Dagon and 4 farmers from Dagon Township came to Minn Zeyar's house on 4 January 2007 to report that their farmland were confiscated to develop real estates in Dagon South, North, East and Dagon Harbor Townships. Min Zeyar, Htay Kywe, Aung Myo Tint and Arnt Bwe Kyaw of the 88 Generation Students also took the opportunity to visit farmers whose farmlands were confiscated.

After that, I would like to elaborate on how FDB approached and infiltrated the NLD party. Aung Zaw Oo, a former NLD member of Bogalay, Ayerawady Division was expelled from the Party due to an internal problem. He came up to Yangon in August 2003 and made contact with Myint Aye of Kyimyindine NLD and through Myint Aye, he came to know Htun Lin who lives near Kyimyindine market The?kwin bus stop. Aung Zaw Oo then went to Mae Sod with Htun Lin (code name Tar-tay-gyi) and Yan Shwe (code name Lu Min) and attended CO and PD trainings with assistance from FDB Kyaw Htet. After the training, Kyaw Htet gave kyat 1 lakh and a Kodak camera to Aung Zaw Oo and asked him to organize and send more trainees to Mae Sod. Aung Zaw Oo organized Maung Kan (Wakema NLD), Kyaw Soe (Taunggyi NLD) and Thiha ( Meikhtila NLD) and sent them to Mae Sod to attend trainings. An email erroneously sent by Kyaw Htet to Pyi Phyo Hlaing revealed that 7.8 lakhs was sent to Taunggyi, 7.8 lakhs was sent to Wakema, 3 lakhs to Pyay, 2 lakhs to Chauk and 2 lakhs to Myin Chan groups indicating that Kyaw Htet has his core people active in those areas and investigations are still ongoing. It was also revealed that in 2004 October, Pauk NLD member Aung Kyaw Kyaw with the persuasion of Aung Than Htun, NLD member of Taung Gok contacted Bo Kyi (AAPP) of FDB in Mae Sod and attended PD and UG trainings. Through his influence, his brother U Gambhira, Myit Che? NLD Kyaw Kyaw Naing, Nut Kyaw(a) Zaw Myo Htet, Kan Ma NLD Tin Ko also were recruited to attend trainings in Mae Sod. Altogether FDB spent 127.4 lakhs within 2006 and 2007 to infiltrate NLD Party and implant their sympathizers and provided trainings to 12 persons.

The FDB also tried to infiltrate the Military Armed Forces. In November 2004, they tried to distribute a document named A plead to all the patriots of the Armed Forces from Myanmar Democratic Force? but the security forces exposed the plot in time and arrested the culprits. In this connection, the FDB on 24 September during the demonstrations, issued a plea to the officers and other ranks of the military to join hands with the monks and public. Similarly, ex-General Kyaw Zaw of the BCP also issued A plea to the patriotic military leaders and men with the intention to split the Armed Forces.

As stated above, the FDB with funding support from Open Society Institute (OSI) and National Endowment of Democracy (NED) tried to infiltrate and organize the general public, government civil servants, workers, farmers, students, monks and opposition groups like 88 Generation Students and NLD and provided trainings on Community Organization (CO), Political Defiance (PD), Civil Society (CS), Leadership (LS) and Underground movements (UG). While still trying to establish core activists in all classes and walks of life security forces managed to investigate and arrest 118 persons in this period. We believe that the FDB has implanted more than what we have discovered thus the investigation is still ongoing. A rough breakdown of support of 679.5 lakhs to the various organization by FDB can be seen as below;-

Students                             128.5 lakhs

Labor workers                    95.7 lakhs

Farmers                               69.0 lakhs

NLD Party                        127.4 lakhs

National youths                    10.5 lakhs

Monks and monkhood       125.4 lakhs

88' Generation Students   123.0 lakhs

Total                                 679.5 lakhs

In addition, exiles like the NLD LA, ex-members of All Burma Students Democracy Movement (MAKADA) and ex ? ABSDF members supported the 88 Generation Students 600.9 lakhs summing up a total of 1,280.4 lakhs supported to the activist groups to stir up trouble and problems in the country during 2005 to 2007. This figure is only from the case interviews and there may be much more than this amount which we are not aware of. Moreover, the majority of those they exploited were not odd jobbers in the country. By reviewing their living standard, they received more cash assistance than the amount they mentioned.

For instance, according to the figures of cash assistance officially issued on 9-11-2007 on the website of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), the organization alone has provided cash under six categories to anti-government organizations in the country under the pretext of restoration of democracy up to 9-11-2007. The total amount of cash provided was US $ 3,223,354 (3.22 million).

The cash assistance under the respective categories are as follows.

- for internal organizations and coalition groups US$ 993302

- for independent news agencies US$ 824902

- for education and records on human rights and support US$ 543150

- for support and organizational work from international communities US$ 545000

- for national race groups US$ 127000

- for participation of women and rights US$ 190000

The total is US $ 3,223,354.

After explaining the activities and movements of anti-government activists from abroad, I would like to explain to you the background of 2007 September demonstrations. This calls for the explanation of the 88 Generation Students since its birth. It would be fair to say that the 88 Generation Students initially was conceived on terrorism. After the 1988 demonstrations, the All Burma Students Union laid down a strategy with 3 plans with the objective of overthrowing the government that is; -

1. establish a political party for opposition activities,

2. Undertake semi- underground activities.

3. Armed insurrection. Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi are to lead the semi-underground activities while the political line to be taken up by Moe Thee Zun, New  Democratic Party Chairman, and Moe Hein as Secretary.

To pursue armed insurrection, Maung Maung Kyaw, Win Moe, Aung Naing and Kyaw Htin were chosen to lead ABSDF. In other words, the original image of All Burma Students' Union conceived by Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi was to forge alliance with political party forces and with the assistance of armed rebels, conduct above-ground UG activities.

If we assess the political parties situation, the main opposition party NLD is facing its own internal problems with conflicting views and opinions at the central executive level, differing views between NLD-CEC and party members at the field level, the active youth defying authority, criticism and allegations from ex-party members who were expelled or dismissed from the party, pressure from allied parties who are supporting NLD. On the other hand, the 88 Generation Students has increased contacts and relations with ally parties stepping up the alliance and getting a solid place. The allied parties also encouraged and supported the 88 Generation Students. Thakin Thein Pe of Veterans Political party even honored and rendered the flags of Doe-Bama Asiayone and Anti-facist Revolution to Min Ko Naing on behalf of the party. The 88 Generation Students are also very happy and satisfied with this crowning and have increased their momentum to secure a better position.

On the occasion of the 17th Anniversary of the election day held on 27 May 2007 at the Headquarters, Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and 25 members of 88 Generation Students attended wearing Daw Su Kyi' picture T-shirts and bamboo hats while the party members warmly applauded as if heroes. After the ceremony Min Ko Naing led the party members and 100s of onlookers to walk to the Shwe Dagon Pagoda but the residents of the ward warned and intervene to prevent further problems with the authorities. Min Ko Naing then turned back and gave an anti-government speech from a bench. About 350 people had gathered at the time. Min Ko Naing agitated the crowd to confront head on with the authorities. Although the 88 Generation Students were trying to destroy the peace and stability established over the years, the authorities were very patient and did not intervened at the time. Simultaneously, BCP Than Gyaung, US Campaign for Burma Aung Din met with the media to give interviews and posted agitations in the internet websites. ABSDF Moe Thee Zun also stated that the people wanted a change and this is the opportunity to obtain it when foreign spokesmen of BCP issued statements and declarations of agitations. Due to the situation getting worse and getting out of hand, the authorities had no choice but to detain Min Ko Naing, Ko Ko Gyi and Htay Kywe on 27 September and Pyone Cho and Min Zeyar on 30 September for questioning. However, Mya Aye and Pyone Cho started campaigns with crowds and gatherings as in Gene Sharp's tactics.

NLD members, 88' generation student group and anti-government groups involved in the last September Sangha-centred protests led by the United Sangha Force at the start. Later, 15 leaders of the Sangha and 20 members of the Sangha of Sangha discipline committee led the protests. The monasteries that actively took part in the protests were Maggin monastery in Thingangyun Township, Shwetaung monastery in Mingala Taungnyunt Township and NanU monastery, Dipayin monastery, Ngazun monastery, Myingyan monastery, Seiktathukha monastery, U Pan monastery and Athiti monastery in the compound of Shwetaung monastery.

As members of the press present here know, U Gambhira, a member of United Sangha Force is one sangha who kept constantly in touch with Foreign News Stations giving interviews during the sangha activities in September. His background demonstrates that he fostered a very strong anti-Government sentiments and would like to elaborate a bit more on him here.

Since August 2006, Gambhira started organizational campaigns under a pseudonym Sandaw Bartha and soon after the formation of Young Monks Union (Yangon), resumed his actual name which depicts confidentiality, depth and darkness in Pali language. It was learnt that the first notification No. 1/2006 of Young Monks Union (Yangon) was transmitted to VOA under Gambhira's name on 15 October 2006 and again announced the arrest of Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi on the same day. Further more, in defiance of the Sangha Maha Nayaka Organization's notification on curtailing Sangha's movements between 2100 hours to 0400 hours, a Sangha's Duta Committee was formed with seven members. The respective township authorities then did not take any actions against these sanghas. Later, U Gambhira travelled up-country during the last days of November 2006 to organize the formation of Upper Myanmar Yahan Youth Union and approached sanghas from Mogaung Teaching Monastery, Pauk Myaing Teaching Monastery, Dehkhina-yarma Teaching Monastery and Sinde Teaching Monastery in Mandalay towards this end. U Gambhira together with his brother attended the CO course and PD course conducted by FDB Kyaw Htet, AAPP Bo Kyi in Maesot in July 2006. He also attended the courses together with four monks from Yangon he had organized in November 2006, and together with three monks from Mandalay he had organized in December 2006.

In addition, U Gambhira took 13 monks he had organized in central Myanmar and in Yangon, along with Tin Ko (Kamma NLD) in 25 January 2007, and U Osadha of Ngahtatkyi Monastery in Bahan in April 2007 to Maesok to ask them to attend CO course.

U Gambhira made friends with U Issariya (a) Gyaung Gyaung of Maggin Monastery whose pen name is Lu Phone Htet. He organized U Issariya to join the Young Monks Union. However, he relied that he wanted to establish a separate Sangha organization in the central Myamar. So, on 21 January 2007 he allowed U Issariya (a) Gyaung Gyaung to organize Young Monks Union (Myelat). Based on the urge of U Gambhira, U Issariya (a) Gyaung Gyaung organized eight monks and sent them to CO course in Maesot. In that regard, FDB Min Naing provided K 700,000 to U Issariya.

He confessed that with the use of various means, U Gambhira received funds from AAPP Bo Kyi and FDB Min Naing staying in Maesok. He asked K 100,000 in July 2006 for traveling allowance for return from the CO course and meals; K 150,000 in September; K 700,000 in October to rent mobile phone 095004910; K 100,000 in November for traveling allowance to take three monks including U Cintita to the CO course in Maesok; K 60,000 in December to take three monks from Mandalay to the CO course in Maesok; K 700,000 in April to hire a house and meals; K 2 million in 14-9-2007 to rend mobile phones 092026217, 092018118, and another one with unidentified number; K 2 million he received from AAPP Bo Kyi through his brother on 24-9-2007 to rent Internet and for traveling allowance and meals; K 1.1 million he asked AAPP Bo Kyi on 5-10-2007 to buy a motorcycle; and K 500,000 he received on 15-10-2007 and K 3 million on 4-11-2007 from FDB Min Naing for daily allowance, totaling K 10.41 million.

Having mobile phones, U Gambhira made contacts with some organizations outside the nation and persuaded them to continue the protests in September.

On 22 May 2007, Gambiya succeeded in establishing a All-Myanmar Young Monks Union with U Pyinnya Zawta @ Nat Zaw in the lead and with seven other sanghas from Bago Monastery as members but learnt that the reluctance to include Gambhira in the Union itself caused contention. As Gambhira himself was then residing at apartment Ño. 28 in Kyimyindine near Thumingala Market, he came into contact more frequently with his brother Aung Kyaw Kyaw from NLD and ended up developing and distributing anti-Government caricatures.

This is how the activities within sangha groups have been politicized to instigate public unrests based on the hike in fuel prices on 15 August 2007 in view of requirements. As explained earlier, it started with a walking protest against the rise in bus fares with Min Ko Naing and Ko Ko Gyi of 88' Generation Students in the lead. On return from a 'soon' offering ceremony to mark the third anniversary of the death of NLD CEC member U Kyi Maung, the two led a group of around 150 people started to stage a protest by walking on foot from the deceased residence along Shwegondine road up to Tamwe round-about. We come to understand that people later followed this lead and started to stage walking protests either in large groups or individually in townships of certain States and Divisions across the country. On 28 August 2007 an incident took place in Sittwe involving Sanghas.

News of Sittwe incident led some sanghas from Sasana Waiponela Yama (Mandalay) monastery on Bogyoke Street, Ward 15, Pakokku to gear up for a walking protest. Upon learning this, the Chairman of District PDC together with District Police Commander went to the monastery to settle but a group of 30 young sanghas refused to listen to reason and started to walk along Bongyaw road towards east at 14:15 hours carrying playcards with signs saying, Sangha Thamaggi group representing the people, decrease commodity prices, down with injustices and release those who are in custody because of staging protests. More sanghas joined in and the group added to around 150 at 13:10 hours and accordingly, the Chairperson of Township Sangha Naryaka Organization Sayadaw U Tayzaw Bartha together with district and township authorities had to intervene. However, the striking sanghas did not even listen to the Chairperson and pushed him back rudely and march on. The situation began to get out of control around 14:40 hours and a military battalion based in Pakhokku had to be called in. The striking groups had to be dispersed by firing shots into the air and three sanghas who absconded after the strike were taken in for questioning. They were released at 1800 hours and were escorted back by the district and township authorities.

Although the earlier incident in Pakhokku concluded systematically, things did not end there and then. When the Secretary of Divisional PDC U Myint Thein together with Divisional, Township, Police, Religious Affairs and Monastic Custodians authorities visited the Ahle Kyaung Taik monastery at 0955 hours on 6 September 2007 to request respective Sayadaws to conform to law and orders, some sanghas blocked the entrances and showered the vehicles with broken rocks. Later around 1030 hours, 4 vehicles including one privately owned were set ablaze by some sanghas, taking force into their hands. It was learnt that the Secretary of Divisional PDC and group of people were released later at 1555 hours but some of the Yahan youths and novices stood guard with broken rocks and sling shots around the wall of the monastery ready to attack any body that comes near the place that day. Later, a group of 40 sanghas forcefully knocked down Khin Maung Aye's resident in Ward (9) and Naynattha Store building owned by District SPDC Executive Secretary U Hla Win Naing in Ward (1) at 2140 hours. At around 2355 hours, another group of 60 sanghas stood guard on Shwe Chaung bridge to stop and check individuals as well as passing motorcycles and vehicles hindering the flow of traffic on the bridge. The group disbursed only around 4 a.m in the following morning of 7 September 2007. Based on these incidents, the United Sangha Force demanded four compliances and threatened to stage a nation wide strike on 18 September not to accept any form of alms from the Government if the demands are not met.

After the Pakokku incident, on 7 and 8 September 2007, U Gambhira of the United Sangha Force was in Mandalay, and he made arrangements to hold a preliminary all-township Sangha meeting at the Maha Myat Muni Buddha Image and at the Eindawya Pagoda. However, he was unable to do so because of security measures. Being dissatisfied with the failure of monks in Mandalay to launch movements, he persuaded the mass of the members of the Sangha of Mandalay to launch movements. On 8-9-2007, he held a Sangha meeting in Sagaing. According to the resolutions the meeting passed, they planned to combine Sangha organizations led by United Young Monks Force (Yangon) to make demands to the government. U Gambhira held discussions that a united Sangha force should be formed based on the successful holding of Sagaing Sangha meeting for holding Pattanikkujjna rites. Under the discussions, on 9-9-2007, Monk U Kelasa of Waso monastery of Taungkhwin Mingyi Taik in Mandalay compiled a handwriting manuscript to form a united Sangha force. Then, on 9-9-2007, the United Sangha Force was formed with U Panñajota (a) Natzaw (a) Pakata of Maggin Monastery of Mandalay Taungkhwin Mingyi Taik, U Gambhira (a) Sandobhasa of Saddhamma Vamsayon Monastery, U Visuddha of Bago Monastery, U Ottara (a) U Obhasa of Nagayon Monastery, U Kesalasa (a) Kheminda of Taungkhwin Monastery, U Candima (a) Aphu Law of Nyaungdon Monastery, and seven monks including U Tiloka of Santisukha Monastery in Sagaing. Taking a leading role, the United Sangha Force issued Announcement No 1/2007 that comprised four points.

The full text of announcement and the four demands contained therein are as follows:

Based on the events that took place in Pakokku, a United Sangha Force has been established that represents all sangha organizations within the country.

The following are the four demands:

Responsible authorities must apologize sanghas in Pakhokku;

Prices of different commodities and fuel must be brought down;

Daw Aung San Su Kyi and all political prisoners must be released; and

A dialogue must take place immediately.

They sent the announcement to foreign radio stations. It said that the four points were to be followed by 17 September 2007, and if the government failed to satisfy the demands, Pattanikkujjana rite would be held led by the United Sangha Force throughout the country. Furthermore, Announcement No 2 was released, urging that four monks or more than four monks should hold rites at nearest ordination hall or monastery. Then, Announcement No 3/2007 was released, saying that members of the Sangha had recited selection from sacred Pali texts, and was sent to foreign radio stations. In addition, they issued Announcement No 4/2007, urging the people to cooperate with the monks in the protest walks, and to participate actively in the protest walks.

As I have presented, due to internal and external elements' synchronized instigation, members of the Sangha from some monasteries in Yangon, designating the Shwedagon Pagoda as the gathering point, waged protest walks reciting Metta Suttas in strategic places in Yangon from 18 to 27 September. The Sangha movement that resurfaced in Yangon on 17 September spread throughout the nation, followed by 349 Sangha-centered movements in 17 states and divisions from 17 to 30 September. At Maha Visuddhayon Monastery in Mandalay on 17 September, U Gambhira, as part of the campaign for forming a united youths force, released an announcement that urged the people and members of the Sangha to stand at the entrances of the houses or monasteries to say prayers from 25 to 27 September. He also sent the announcement to BBC, VOA and RFA, engaged in the interviews by these stations. On 27 September, he released the stage No 2 for forming a united youths force. The statement urged the people to switch off the lights at every night from 8 pm to 8.15 pm, and not to watch the TV programmes aired by the government. He sent the announcement to the radio stations and participated in the interviews.

During these protests, Tun Myint Aung, the absconder from 88 Generation Students got back into contact with Htay Kywe on 25 September and to systematically supervise the people's movement, established the Committee on Supervising People's Movement comprising nine different groups. This was done in close consultations with the leaders of United Sangha Force and various other organizations and the groups participating in the Committees are United Sangha Force, Taw Thitsana Beikhu, Sangha Thamaggi, 88 new generation students, 88 new generation information group, lawyers union, poets union, artists group and ethnic youths cooperation group totaling 9 groups.

When the Sangha movement reached its height Poet Aung Way on 24-9-2007 formed a committee for providing the requisites to members of the Sangha with Actor Kyaw Thu as chairman, Aung Way as secretary, Actor Zaganar as joint secretary and Daw Than Myint Aung as treasurer with the excuse that there were very few people who provided alms to members of the Sangha that arrived and assembled at the Bronze Buddha Image in Yangon. Poet Aung Way himself made a draft of the letter to issue an announcement that those from literary and movie world supported the Sangha movement. However, he did not issue it because Zaganar disapproved of it.

The Sangha movement triggered by the instigation of anti-government groups first demanded the bringing down of prices of commodity and fuel and dialogue without any political demand. When the movement was in its height their demands included the forming of the United Mass Force under the United Sangha Force and the ousting of the government and forming of an interim government with the might of the united forces. Taking advantage of the magnanimity of authorities concerned the anti-government groups turned the religious movement into the political movement making use of the Sangha movement. Hence, the Minister for Religious Affairs had to supplicate the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, requesting the most venerable Sayadaws to control the movement with the Dhamma, and if the movement failed to follow the request of the Sayadaws authorities concerned would take necessary action in accord with rules and procedures. The State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee issued the Dirrectives No 93 on 24 September 2007 calling on members of the Sangh to follow the Directives No 81, 83, 85 and 65 of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee already made public, and warned members of the Sangha not to get involved in the violent unrest and political activities.

But some protesters including the monk protesters dared to threaten even the senior monks and continued their protests defying the directives of the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee. At the same time, the destructive elements started spreading rumours, trying to harm the smooth transportation, creating panic among the people and committing arson. So the government, fearing that the peace and stability of the State and the rule of law might be harmed, issued Section-144 in Yangon and Mandalay on 25-9-2007 in accord with the procedures and took action against the protests in conformity with the law.

While the Sangha protests were accelerating, absconder Tun Myint Aung introduced U Ottara (a) U Obhvasa (a) Nagar to his trained university student named Rahu Kyaw Kyaw Maung. They made a plan to enable the mass of university students to participate in the Sangha protests after the exam had been completed. On 25 September a group of 10 students led by Rahu Kyaw Kyaw Maung and Sithu Maung staged protests along with the monks at the Bronze Buddha Image at the Eastern Stairways holding flags featuring fighting peacocks.

On the other hand, it came to fore that the NLD party itself has been trying hard to hook up with the sangha movements throughout the time of strikes. Discussions were held between U Eindaka, U Gawthika, U Eindar Sara and Nga Me from Meghin Monastery and Kyaw Kyaw Naing from Myitchea NLD on 24 September at 09:00 hours during which Kyaw Kyaw Naing requested for a 10 minutes stop in front of NLD headquarters by those sangha and people who will be staging strikes on 24 September. In compliance with this request, the striking sanghas stopped in frot of NLD headquarters to chant prayers. NLD CEC members and elected representatives came out to pay homage to sanghas after which some of the party members including elected representatives Dr. Myint Naing, U Nyi Pu, and U Bala joined the sanghas and walked alongside holding NLD flag and a plcard identifying the elected representatives. In this way, the NLD party began to take part in the protests.

The photographs taken on this scene are on display for members of the press to see and comment. We have witnessed the strikes staged by the sanghas evolving into mass political movements. According to Sandar Thiri (a) U Zin Pu Yit confessions, those sanghas staging strikes, including himself, paused in front of the Bronze Buddha statue at the eastern entrance of Shwedagon pagoda on 27 September 2007 to discuss the route to be taken. At that moment, one person who is still under investigation, approached one of the sangha leaders U Yawthidi for private discussions. After the discussions, U Yawdi informed his fellow sanghas that NLD was ready to form an interim Government on 28 September if the Government did not comply to the three demands of the sanghas namely: to improve the living conditions of people; to release all political prisoners and to forge national reconciliation. He then enquired whether the sanghas could lend their support as well as secure people's endorsement to the formation of an interim government to which all the leaders of sanghas confirmed. It became clear that the NLD party has plans to form an interim Government by taking advantage of the sangha uprisings.

Although foreign based FDB group has invested heavily among different social strata within the country to instigate unrests, it is evident from the recent September uprisings that they managed to get only a handful of people who do not really understand the good intentions of the Government on their side by paying huge sums of money while the majority have expressed indifference. Those who were in the lead during the uprisings are found to be the protégés of Kyaw Htet from FDB who were paid to participate in their trainings programmes and those who have learnt through second hand training held at the American Center. The uprisings dissolved within a very short time frame simply because the general public did not take part and our security forces were able to make preemptive strikes. Although a martial law had to be imposed in Yangon and some townships in Mandalay on 20 September 2007 to take control of the situation, the time limitations were decreased gradually and eventually withdrawn on 20 October 2007.

Ten people died and 14 were injured during the monk protests from 26 to 30 September. Thirty one members of the security force were injured. The protesters marched to the most crowded area near the Sule Pagoda where there were about 100,000 people in the normal situation. The security members handled the situation in accord with the procedures. Unless there was systematic handling, there may be great loss of lives.

Authorities found 27 USD, 1 Yuan and a block of explosives at Nan U monastery. The discovery of gunpowder blocks coincided with the information received on plans to explode the hostels of delegates attending the National Convention. This was also at the time where some of the Yangon based Embassies from Western countries have warned members of their families to be careful when traveling and have warned their staff members not to wander outside. It seemed that the systematic upper handedness our security forces deprived these elements from detonating explosives. If all related information is pieced together, the explosives found at Nan Oo monastery can be connected to ABSDF. Therefore, the movements of 88 new generation students who have close connections with ABSDF can also be in doubt. As I mentioned earlier, members of 88' generation students and a lot of NLD members took the underground courses in Maesot. They were sent to the country and they are still at large. The 88' generation students and NLD members who took part in the September protests were familiar with the monks who led the protests. The 88' generation students and activists from anti-government groups were detained while they were planning to commit sabotage in synchronization with the public uprising. Those were involved in the sabotage and suspects are under investigation. In other words, the State had a close shave from being on the verge of danger.

We have explained that the September uprisings was aimed to bring down the Government through joint efforts of FDB party, 88 generation students and other opposition elements by placing the sangha cause in the center. It has become evident from the seized TNT gunpowder that the timings between the forces above and underground are being synchronized. At the time when anti Government forces within the country are teaming up with anti Government elements along the borders to instigate political unrest, the underground disruptive groups are to detonate explosives. This demonstrates that although the opposition groups did try to incite uprisings by infiltrating into different social strata, they were not able to get the people on their side but managed to lure only a small fraction of the sangha force. They have exploited the situation by using fake and bogus sanghas knowingly that the Myanmar people revered religion as well as the sangha and putting them in the front would create a predicament to the Government in handling the crises. This is a ?by hook or by crook tactic? to overthrow the government and a lesson to be learnt that they are prepared to use all sorts of means for their interest and goal. I would like to urge all the sanghas and the people to be vigilant in the future to prevent similar events and to build a peaceful and stable state with a patriotic mind.

Press Conference holds Q&A session

Nay Pyi Taw, 3 Dec - The following are the questions of journalists and answers of officials concerned at the press conference 2/2007.

U Hla Htway (Nikei Newspaper)

Is there prospect of the negotiation between NLD led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the government or is there any progress for the negotiation

Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan

Before thinking about the prospect of the negotiation, we should see the progress in the meetings of Minister U Aung Kyi and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi first. Regarding the negotiation, the Government issued the announcement No 1/2007. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has not yet responded to the announcement. The announcement No 1/2007 is the basic for all.

U Kyaw Swa Min (The Yangon Times Journal)

I want to know when the writing of the constitution would be completed. Another question is : I want to know whether Mr Gambari is not permitted to enter Myanmar. Foreign Media said he is not permitted to enter Myanmar by the government. Is it true

Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan

Regarding the first question, I also want to raise you a question you imagine the time when the constitution would be completed. The writing of the constitution may be delayed if there are disturbances and hindrances. If there is cooperation in democratization process and if there are no disturbances and hindrances, the writing of the constitution will be completed within a reasonable time.

Regarding the second question, there are a lot of rumours, but they are not true. There is no any official request concerning the matter.

U Aung Hla Tun (Reuters News Agency)

Is there time frame for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi to respond to the announcement No 1/2007 as she has not yet responded to the announcement? Can we expect that she will respond to the announcement? I want to know the progress of the meetings between U Aung Kyi and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

Minister for Labour

U Aung Kyi

I met with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi for three times. We have made progress at the meetings. The first meeting was aimed at gaining understanding between us. The second meeting was to discuss frameworks for the future. The third meeting was to discuss the facts that should be included in the framework. We will release information related to the meetings when necessary. Regarding the time frame, we will continue to hold meetings with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. We need to consider what to discuss and why? We are choosing What? and Why?. So, we will take Where?, How? and When? into consideration in the future.

U Aung Thu Myaing (Ji Ji News Agency)

I want to know the number of detainees including students, civilians and monks who have been detained since September. What kind of action will be taken against detained Students.

There were altogether 2927 people, including 596 monks, interrogated regarding the September crisis. However, 575 monks and 2,263 people, totalling 2,838, have been released and nine sentenced up to now. Therefore, there are only 80 detainees - 21 monks and 59 people. I am not sure that the students' mean the 88-generation students or the young students still studying. Anyway, both are included in the 59 people. Whether action should be taken against them depends on whether they are concerned with the explosives found on 11 October in the compound of NanOo Monastery and whether they committed crimes like burning houses and police boxes.

U Myat Khaing (Snapshot Journal)

Brig-Gen Khin Yi, I would like to ask you some questions. You just mentioned Kyaw Thu, Zagana, Aung Way and Than Myint Aung. First of all, I would like to know whether you have taken action against them and, if not yet, are you going to do so? And among foreign broadcasting stations you never mention DVB. I want to know why.

Brig-Gen Khin Yi

As I have said, Actor Kyaw Thu was chairman and Poet Aung Way was secretary of the committee for offering the requisites to monks formed during the September crisis. Kyaw Thu, Zagana and Daw Than Myint Aung have all been released. But Poet Aung Way has fled to the border. We can't surely say yet whether he has any connection with FDB. It is because we are still interrogating FDB contacts.

The second point is that the reason I didn't mention DVB out of foreign broadcasting stations may be because I forgot it. DVB is the most notorious. It is one of the foreign broadcasting stations that aired fabricated news about Myanmar most because Nanda of DVB and the groups in the nation entered into an official contract on sending fabricated news about Myanmar to DVB.

Daw Aye Aye Win (AP News Agency)

Let me ask a question. According to the Director-General of Myanmar Police Force, there is a programme of the NLD to form an interim government. And so, what kind of action will be taken against the NLD in that regard Whether action would be taken against the NLD or not

Another question is that according to the clarification just made, there were ten people dead and 14 others injured. When Mr Pinheiro visited Hteinbin Cemetery he learnt that there were 14 bodies that were cremated. And so, I would like to know the accurate number.

Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan

The NLD had previously violated the law. As for the violation of law by the NLD questions were raised whether action was being taken against the NLD or not in the previous press conferences. With that regard, I had already replied that the government patiently magnanimously handled the matter with care. And the handling of this matter is the same as that of the previous matters. The government is handling matters with care. But there can be a degree or an extent of tolerance on a certain matter. If a violation of the law poses a grave danger to the State and the people we will be in no position to tolerate and forgive it.

Director-General of MPF Brig-Gen Khin Yi

There were ten people dead and 14 others injured in the unrest. The aforesaid number at the time Mr Pinheiro visited the cemetery is the total number of dead people. What we meant the dead number is the one directly related to the unrest exclusive of the dead people who died of illness. In some death cases, they had already been ill before being taken to the GTC. So they had to be hospitalized but they died later in hospital. There were some cases that those dead persons were cremated at Hteinbin Cemetery. The 10 deaths and 14 injured were directly linked with the violence and unrest. They were not concerned with those who died of their illness. As the number you said was the total number, they are different in number.

Daw Aye Aye Win (AP): May I have a question as I'm confused a little? You said that among the 14, four died from their illness. So were they identified or unidentified

MPF Director-General Brig-Gen Khin Yi: I don't mean all died of illness. The 10 deaths and 14 injured were directly linked with the violence and unrest. In the whole period of the protests, there might be some death cases who died of other causes. Some were hospitalized as they were taken ill on arrival at GTC. And then they died in hospital. We counted the total numbers by putting the above-mentioned deaths in the toll. There were some death cases who were not identified. However, according to the procedures of MPF, the lists of the deaths were put on the noticeboards of the hospital. Their fingerprints were sent to CID. Examination was made for their identification. The lists were put on the noticeboards of the hospital as well as of Hteinbin Cemetery. The unidentified dead persons were cremated by the State. What's interesting is that there would not be any unidentified death cases if they resided around here. As the incidents occurred due to the links between the internal and external elements, we cannot say that all the detainees were from near here. They might have come from other organizations we haven't known from the border region. That was why some death cases could not be identified.

Daw Aye Aye Win (AP):

The 14 injured people are in Yangon. Isn't it? Isn't there any death cases in other towns?

MPF Director General Brig-Gen Khin Yi: No.

German Ambassador to Myanmar Dr Dietrich Andreas: Will other political parties including NLD have a chance to participate in drafting the State constitution and give suggestions?

Information Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan: I have already mentioned about it in our clarification. We will continue to take measures as mentioned in the clarification. We will not sideline those opposing the seven-step Road Map and the detailed basic principles. When a referendum is held, those in opposition will have the chance to cast votes together with the supporters. In like manner, those in opposition will have the chance to stand for elections after the draft constitution has been approved.

Information Committee of State Peace and Development Council holds Press Conference 2/2007 on protests in August and September in Myanmar

Nay Pyi Taw, 3 Dec-The Information Committee of the State Peace and Development Council held press conference 2/2007 at the Ministry of Information here at 10:30 am today, regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar.

It was attended by Chairman of the Information Committee of the SPDC Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, Minister for Foreign Affairs U Nyan Win, members of the committee Minister for Culture Maj-Gen Khin Aung Myint, Minister for Labour U Aung Kyi, Deputy Minister for Home Affairs Brig-Gen Phone Swe, Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs U Maung Myint and committee members, Deputy Minister for Immigration and Population Brig-Gen Win Sein, members of the Commission for Drafting State Constitution Deputy Chief Justice U Tun Tun Oo, Deputy Attorneys-General Dr Tun Shin and U Tun Tun, Supreme Court Justice U Tin Aye and Judge Advocate General Maj-Gen Soe Maung, Maj-Gen Ngwe Thein of the Ministry of Defence, Director-General of Myanmar Police Force Brig-Gen Khin Yi, the ambassadors, the Charges d' Affaires ai and embassy staff, the military attaches, representatives of UN agencies in Myanmar and officials, the directors-general and the managing directors of the departments and enterprises under the Ministry of Information, the deputy directors-general and general managers, departmental officials, representatives of the Union Solidarity and Development Association, Myanmar Women's Affairs Federation, Myanmar Maternal and Child Welfare Association, War Veterans Organization, Myanmar Motion Picture Asiayone, Myanmar Music Asiayone, Myanmar Fire Brigade, Myanmar Red Cross Society and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry, Patron of Myanmar Foreign Correspondents Club U Hla Htway, President U Sao Kai Hpa and members of the MFCC, editorial staff and reporters of the journals and magazines and guests. First, Chairman of the Information Committee Minister for Information Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan briefed on accounts regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar.

(The clarifications of the Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan is reported separately.)

Next, MPF Director-General Brig-Gen Khin Yi explained the matters regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar.

(The clarifications of the Director-General Brig-Gen Khin Yi is reported separately.)

Then, Chairman of the committee Minister Brig-Gen Kyaw Hsan, Minister U Aung Kyi and MPF Director-General Brig-Gen Khin Yi answered the questions raised by those present and the press conference came to an end at 1 pm.

(The questions and answers made at the press conference are reported separately.)

After the ceremony, those present and guests viewed the documentary photos regarding the protests that occurred in August and September in Myanmar displayed at the press conference.